- Congressman Peter DeFazio, (D-OR, 4th District). Is the debt ceiling unconstitutional?
- John Nichols, Washington Correspondent - The Nation Magazine. Latest on the war on democracy.
- Senator Chris Coons (D-DE). Constitutionality of the Debt Ceiling.
- Colby Bohannon, President & Co-Founder, FMAFE. "Scholarships for white males only"... all others need not apply.
- Seton Motley, President-Less Government. Why do conservatives want to get rid of the minimum wage?
- Bumper Music:
- If You Love Somebody Set Them Free, Sting.
- Into The Night, Santana and Chad Kroeger.
- It's All Been Done, The Barenaked Ladies.
- School Day, Chuck Berry.
- School's Out, Alice Cooper.
- Proper Education, Eric Prydz vs Floyd.
- Grand Canyon, Dmitriy Lukyanov (you need to search for it) (with additional sounds by Jacob).
- Democracy, Leonard Cohen.
- Article: "14th Amendment". Section 4.
The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.
- Article: "Treasury Department - Secretary Of Treasury - Authority - Payment Of Obligations" letter from OMB to Rep. Bob Packwood, Oct 9, 1985.
B-138524, OCT 9, 1985
TREASURY DEPARTMENT - SECRETARY OF TREASURY - AUTHORITY - PAYMENT OF OBLIGATIONS DIGEST: THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY HAS THE AUTHORITY TO DETERMINE THE ORDER IN WHICH OBLIGATIONS ARE TO BE PAID SHOULD THE CONGRESS FAIL TO RAISE THE STATUTORY DEBT CEILING AND REVENUES ARE INADEQUATE TO COVER ALL REQUIRED PAYMENTS. THERE IS NO STATUTE OR ANY OTHER BASIS FOR CONCLUDING THAT THE TREASURY MUST PAY OUTSTANDING OBLIGATIONS IN THE ORDER THEY ARE PRESENTED FOR PAYMENT. TREASURY IS FREE TO LIQUIDATE OBLIGATIONS IN ANY ORDER IT DETERMINES WILL BEST SERVE THE INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE HONORABLE BOB PACKWOOD:
CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON FINANCE
UNITED STATES SENATE
YOU HAVE REQUESTED OUR VIEWS ON WHETHER THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY HAS AUTHORITY TO DETERMINE THE ORDER IN WHICH OBLIGATIONS ARE TO BE PAID SHOULD THE CONGRESS FAIL TO RAISE THE STATUTORY LIMIT ON THE PUBLIC DEBT OR WHETHER TREASURY WOULD BE FORCED TO OPERATE ON A FIRST IN-FIRST-OUT BASIS. BECAUSE OF YOUR NEED FOR AN IMMEDIATE ANSWER, OUR CONCLUSIONS MUST, OF NECESSITY, BE TENTATIVE, BEING BASED ON THE LIMITED RESEARCH WE HAVE BEEN ABLE TO DO. IT IS OUR CONCLUSION THAT THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY DOES HAVE THE AUTHORITY TO CHOOSE THE ORDER IN WHICH TO PAY OBLIGATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES.
ON A DAILY BASIS THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT RECEIVES A NORMAL FLOW OF REVENUES FROM TAXES AND OTHER SOURCES. AS THEY BECOME AVAILABLE IN THE OPERATING CASH BALANCE, TREASURY MAY USE THESE FUNDS TO PAY OBLIGATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT AND TO REISSUE EXISTING DEBT AS IT MATURES. SEE GENERALLY H.R. REPT. NO. 31, 96TH CONG., 1ST SESS. 9-10 (1979).
WE ARE AWARE OF NO STATUTE OR ANY OTHER BASIS FOR CONCLUDING THAT TREASURY IS REQUIRED TO PAY OUTSTANDING OBLIGATIONS IN THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY ARE PRESENTED FOR PAYMENT UNLESS IT CHOOSES TO DO SO. TREASURY IS FREE TO LIQUIDATE OBLIGATIONS IN ANY ORDER IT FINDS WILL BEST SERVE THE INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES.
UNLESS IT IS RELEASED EARLIER OR WE HEAR OTHERWISE FROM YOU, THIS LETTER WILL BE AVAILABLE FOR RELEASE TO THE PUBLIC 30 DAYS FROM TODAY.
- Article: "The Preamble toConstitution of the United States".
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
- Letter: "Thomas Jefferson to Spencer Roane", 6 Sept. 1819.
I had read in the Enquirer, and with great approbation, the pieces signed Hampden, and have read them again with redoubled approbation, in the copies you have been so kind as to send me. I subscribe to every tittle of them. They contain the true principles of the revolution of 1800, for that was as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 1776 was in its form; not effected indeed by the sword, as that, but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the people. The nation declared its will by dismissing functionaries of one principle, and electing those of another, in the two branches, executive and legislative, submitted to their election. Over the judiciary department, the constitution had deprived them of their control. That, therefore, has continued the reprobated system, and although new matter has been occasionally incorporated into the old, yet the leaven of the old mass seems to assimilate to itself the new, and after twenty years' confirmation of the federal system by the voice of the nation, declared through the medium of elections, we find the judiciary on every occasion, still driving us into consolidation.
In denying the right they usurp of exclusively explaining the constitution, I go further than you do, if I understand rightly your quotation from the Federalist, of an opinion that "the judiciary is the last resort in relation to the other departments of the government, but not in relation to the rights of the parties to the compact under which the judiciary is derived." If this opinion be sound, then indeed is our constitution a complete felo de se. For intending to establish three departments, co-ordinate and independent, that they might check and balance one another, it has given, according to this opinion, to one of them alone, the right to prescribe rules for the government of the others, and to that one too, which is unelected by, and independent of the nation. For experience has already shown that the impeachment it has provided is not even a scarecrow; that such opinions as the one you combat, sent cautiously out, as you observe also, by detachment, not belonging to the case often, but sought for out of it, as if to rally the public opinion beforehand to their views, and to indicate the line they are to walk in, have been so quietly passed over as never to have excited animadversion, even in a speech of any one of the body entrusted with impeachment. The constitution, on this hypothesis, is a mere thing of wax in the hands of the judiciary, which they may twist, and shape into any form they please. It should be remembered, as an axiom of eternal truth in politics, that whatever power in any government is independent, is absolute also; in theory only, at first, while the spirit of the people is up, but in practice, as fast as that relaxes. Independence can be trusted nowhere but with the people in mass. They are inherently independent of all but moral law. My construction of the constitution is very different from that you quote. It is that each department is truly independent of the others, and has an equal right to decide for itself what is the meaning of the constitution in the cases submitted to its action; and especially, where it is to act ultimately and without appeal. I will explain myself by examples, which, having occurred while I was in office, are better known to me, and the principles which governed them.
A legislature had passed the sedition law. The federal courts had subjected certain individuals to its penalties of fine and imprisonment. On coming into office, I released these individuals by the power of pardon committed to executive discretion, which could never be more properly exercised than where citizens were suffering without the authority of law, or, which was equivalent, under a law unauthorized by the constitution, and therefore null. In the case of Marbury and Madison, the federal judges declared that commissions, signed and sealed by the President, were valid, although not delivered. I deemed delivery essential to complete a deed, which, as long as it remains in the hands of the party, is as yet no deed, it is in posse only, but not in esse, and I withheld delivery of the commissions. They cannot issue a mandamus to the President or legislature, or to any of their officers.1 When the British treaty of------ arrived, without any provision against the impressment of our seamen, I determined not to ratify it. The Senate thought I should ask their advice. I thought that would be a mockery of them, when I was predetermined against following it, should they advise its ratification. The constitution had made their advice necessary to confirm a treaty, but not to reject it. This has been blamed by some; but I have never doubted its soundness.